The pakistani community in the United Kingdom

The pakistani community in the united solid groundAli (1982) Pakistanis main con centimeration is in U.K. where they began in the early 20th light speed as sailors in the Merchant Navy and soldiers in the British army. They had an prob magnate to migrate in large numbers following the economical blowup and shortage of labour resulting from the two homo wars. However, their migration did not necessitate a set pattern up until the last half(prenominal) of the 1950s. (p. 5-7)Post world war two migration to Britain from the Asiatic subcontinent was based on imperial ties and largely driven by economic imperatives. Rebuilding post war de abiderance entailed a demand for labour that could not be satisfied by the British population itself. After 1945, virtually all countries in occidental Europe began to attr actuate significant numbers of drop deaders from abroad and by the posthumous 1960s they nearly came from developing countries in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and the Middle East (Massey, D. et.al , 1993, p. 431). Islam in the UK has a entropy Asian character. The largest number of Islamics themeates from Pakistan (Samad Sen, p.43). go on to this, the largest group of Muslims from the Indian subcontinent wee-wee return from Pakistan, twain West and East (Ibid.) In Pakistan, study impetuses to emigrate came from the poorer agricultural aras of the Mirpuri district in southern Kashmir and the Cambellpur district of the north-eastern Punjab. little numbers left from the North-west Frontier Province next to the Afghan border. In the case of Mirpur, a gain ground factor was the disruption caused by the Mangla Dam project which started in 1960, and was ultimately to flood about 250 crossroadss. In East Pakistan, which was after-hoursr to become Bangladesh, the two main sources of immigration were in the Sylhet district in the north-east and the maritime region around Chittagong. callable to the struggles of a newly developed state and p overty, m both a(prenominal) Pakistanis took the opportunity to come and work in Britain. (Neilsen, 2004, p. 41)Before 1962, Pakistanis were British subjects (under the 1948 British Nationality cultivate) and could enter Britain without restriction. thither was a dramatic increase in the rate of immigration rightful(prenominal) before the Commonwealth Immigrants strike 19621was passed. Before the act of 1962 was passed about l thousand nation entered Britain at heart 18 months, in comparison the 17,000 who entered amongst 1955 and 1960 (Shaw, 1998 25). The threat of Britains immigration controls also coincided with a change in the Pakistani Governwork forcets policy on immigration. In 1961, when the 1962 Common wealth Act was imminent, Pakistani govern workforcet withdrew restrictions on immigration and promoted the migration of 5,000 heap in a gesture to compensate Mirpuri colonizationrs who had been dispossessed of land by the construction of the dam (Shaw, 1998 25).Unt il the base of the 1960s, entry into the UK by the citizens of British colonies and member countries of the Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962, introduced restrictions on immigration to the UK. Although it was intended to discourage Pakistanis and pot from Commonwealth countries from migrating to the country, it cancelled out to take over the opposite effect. The unintended effect of the 1971 Immigration Act2was that a significant number of Pakistanis and from the other countries entered the UK to beat the ban (Shaw, 1994, as quoted in Samad Sen, 2007, p. 28). 1970s family reunification marked a turning slur for the establishment of Islam in Europe. Along with come innce of community through and through family reunification, near of the conventional norms rooted in affectionate relations, through the practice of Islam began to emerge (Ibid., p.38)These labour migrants despite their brotherly origins and qualification levels were largely confined to low-paid manual work and faces racial discrimination when being recruited for jobs (Modood, 2005, p. 60). In the 1970s heathen minorities were branded as scroungers and the threat of overcrowding was becoming a grave concern. Enoch Powell, in 1967, openly advocated a policy of repatriation where he argued not for migrants families to be reunited in Britain just rather that migrants should be returned sign and reunited with families over there (J matchlesss and Wellhengama, 2000 16). Further to this, by emphasising that Britishness comprises common biological roots, a common language and an obedience to the Crown parliamentarians easily excluded certain migrants (Ibid, p. 31).With the consequences of state led policies of migration, and arrival and colonisation of a growing Pakistani community, emerged socio-economic problems that this new community had to face. The next split up of the essay testament discuss the dissimilar counsellings in which the British Pakistanis ar disadvantaged and wa ys in which they responded to the underlying and changing political, social and economic conditions in Britain. While the disadvantage of Pakistanis actually predates the rise of anti-Muslim prejudice, the latter(prenominal) threatens to exacerbate the former and to prevent the formation of inviolablewill required to act against the chronic disadvantage of Pakistanis in Britain. (Modood, 2005, p. 80)As the Labour force written report (Spring, 2000 as quoted in Saman Sen, p. 45) illustrates, Pakistanis be two and a half times more than likely than the white population to be sluggish and nearly common chord times more likely to be in low-paid jobs. jibe to Cessari (p. 58) the socio-economic marginality of Pakistanis is close a good deal accompanied by residential segregation. She argues that the information from the British nosecount show that Pakistani immigrants tend to live in the nearly woebegone or unhealthy lodgement conditions.Chain migration suees have a stron g influence on locating minorities in clusters. disgust from the society within which the firmness of purpose takes place can reduce the ability of the group to disperse and defence may be an significant chemical element in meet. There ar both constructive and negative reasons for clustering in most ethnical clustering patterns and, given their simultaneous comportment in m any situations, it is difficult to di directangle dominant from recessive factors. Nevertheless, it is important to recognize that not all segregation results from negative factors such as white racism (Peach, 1996, p. 228)Rex and Moore (1967) demonstrated high gear levels of discrimination against immigrants, finickyly against Pakistanis, in their field of operations argona of Sparkbrook in Birmingham. They showed high concentrations of Pakistans in their lowest housing course of instruction, the rooming house. drop dead by Dahya (1974), on the other hand, argued that Pakistani concentration in mult i-occupied appointment was a preferred, not an enforced, strategy. He argued that chain migration by village and family, the intrust to maximize savings, shared language and religion, culinary needs and so forrard all argued in favour of sharing accommodation. Thus, although discrimination existed, it was not veridical to the patterns of concentration that arose.Many of the early Pakistani migrants to Britain have been the most reluctant to attach a British identity to themselves. With the effects of ball-shapedisation, Pakistanis are also worried about losing their traditions, customs and set and hence tally onto the security of their close knit society with a hesitance in accepting anything British (Jacobson, 1997, 185).Pakistani British Muslims have been vastly influenced by cultures and customs emanating from the subcontinent, and this will continue to happen for another generation or two. The context within which they practice their religion is after all, Pakistani one n ot save because they newborner generation learned about Islam from their Pakistani parents but also because Pakistanis are the dominant group within the local anaesthetic Muslim community. They are used to hearing Urdu spoken in mosque, eat Pakistani nourishment and wearing Pakistani clothes at sacred festivals, follow Pakistani customs at weddings and other religiousceremonies and abide by and rail against definitions of moral behaviour which have more to do with the norms of Pakistani village life. For them the interconnections between ethnic culture and religion are labored and intricate (Jacobson, J. 2003, p. 147)V.S. Khan (1979), writing on Mirpuris in Bradford, discusses the effect of migration on those arriving in Britain and ways in which this shapes their socio-cultural behavior. He maintains that the very means of coping with migration could lead to inherent stresses, in that the knowledge of conventional culture in the fatherland, constant evaluation through th e process of migration to Britain and prior expectations have a direct affect on the migrants life-style and value. The stressful experience of migration is alsoa of the essence(p) determinant of a migrants perception of his situation, and the actual options open to him. While many of the supportive institutions of village life buffer confrontation with the new and extraneous world in Britain, in the long term they not only restrict access to it, but also hinder the attainment of things valued (Ibid. p. 55)Werbner discusses similar factors the social stresses experienced by Pakistani migrants in Britain descend fromthree main arenas the traditional culture and emigration area the migrationprocess and settlement in the new environment and society (1990 37).Her analysis however, presents a more positive eyeshot of the adaptability of Pakistanis to new circumstances, in particular to those concerning women, and regarding the blowup of kinship networks to inculcate friends and mem bers of other sub-castes. (Imtiaz, 1997, p. 36)Significance of BradfordThe Bradford Metropolitan District is determine west of Leeds north of the trans- Pennine highway. To the north and east lies North Yorkshire, with its manor houses, farms and duomo cities, while to the west and north lies the Lake District.The city has been the centre of the wool grapple since the 18th carbon and, until new-fangledly, wool dominated the local saving. Even the technology and chemical industries were associated with the wool trade by supplying the needs of the framework industry. Throughout the 19th century it was mainly a working class city structured around a low wage economy. The global networks, stretching out to the colonies, in particular, were constructed around importing wool and reprocessing it for export. These networks persisted into the mid-twentieth century (Samad Eade, Community Laison Unit)Although Pakistani Muslims settled in various parts of the United Kingdom, Bradford sti ll has one of the highest concentrations of Pakistani Muslims in the country (and more than any other Yorkshire and Humber region) (Din, 2006). Bradford is one of many towns and cities that have ethnically diverse populations in terms of religion as well such places as chromatography column Hamlets, Birmingham and Slough (National Census, 2001). The Bradford area also has one of the highest numbers of individuals who were born international the European Union (National Census, 2001).The mass of Muslims in Bradford have roots in rural areas, with a large majority of Pakistanis from Mirpur in Azad Kashmir, a rough region and one of the least northern areas of Pakistan. This Pakistani community has a growing underclass with a significant section of young men under achieving in schools. They are generally characterised by low educational qualifications and occupational concentrations in restaurants and taxi driving. Along with low participation of women in the formal labour market a nd wedding at an early age, fewer years of education, lower educational skills and large intermediate family and household size of it contributes to multiple deprivations (Lewis, 2007).Bradford has a rich religious, ethnic and cultural diversity. With a melt down of ethnic communities, it is predominantly Muslim (16.1 per cent) and largely of Pakistani origin with 14.5 part of the total population of the city (National Statistics, 2003 as quoted in Gilligan, 2005). The Pakistani communities are very much concentrated in the inner wards of the city, where they tend to live amidst a relatively self-contained world of businesses and institutions, religious and cultural, which they have created to service, their particularised needs (Lewis, 2002, p. 203.) Compared to other majority white communities, Bradfords Asian population is relatively young (National Statistics, 2003). They also tend to be located in areas confront relatively high levels of deprivation and disadvantage (D ETR, 2000 Cantle, 2001 Denham, 2001 as quoted in Gilligan Akhtar, 2005). accord to the Change Institutes report on the Pakistani Muslim Community in England, (2009) up-to-the-minutely Bradford has the largest proportion of its total population (15%) identifying itself as of Pakistani origin in England. The report suggests that the latest estimates (from Bradford Metropolitan District Council) have indicated that the sulfur Asian population has grown overturnably over the last decade to 94,250, and that the people of Pakistani/Kashmiri origin number about 73,900. It further states that the South Asian population now represents about 19 per cent of the total population of Bradford and 16 per cent of Bradfords residents are Muslims, compared to the national average of 3 per cent.Therefore, the overwhelming majority of Pakistanis (young and old) have an attachment to Bradford. For many former(a) Pakistanis, who arrived in the late 1950s and early 60s, Bradford is Mirpur is their h ome from home. For the young generations of Pakistanis it is their home (Din, 2006)Studies on MirpurisMuch of the literature on Pakistanis in Britain, particularly from the late 1970s up to the late 1980s, tends to be based on studies of communities in particular towns, such as Anwar (1979) on Rochdale, Currer (1983) on Bradford, Jeffrey (1979) on Bristol, Shaw (1988) on Oxford, and Werbner (1985 1990) on Manchester.A number of studies have explored the extent of Asian (or Pakistani) migration and settlement across various geographical towns and cities (see Khan, 1974, 1979 Anwar, 1979 Shaw, 1988, 1994 Werbner, 1990). Some have had a particular focus on employment and housing issues (in particular Dahya, 1974 Werbner and Anwar, 1991 Anwar, 1991). Measuring the economic position of communities is easier to determine what is more difficult is to examine the experiences and attitudes of young people towards their parents/elders their community and the wider British society.There is an enormous amount of unveiled work on the early immigrants (Rose et al, 1969 Dahya, 1974 Khan 1979). Rose et al (1969) is a good starting point for cultural studies relating to the Pakistani community. Rose explored issues such as the need to recruit labour immigrants to meet the needs of the British economy and the settlement process of the early immigrants in textile cities like Bradford. In addition he explored the problems encountered, such as obtaining suitable accommodation, access to ordinary services, integration and the problems of adapting to a very different way of life. The experiences of families of early settlers connective their husbands in the United Kingdom have also, to an extent, been explored. This shows close-knit family ties which exist in Pakistani families, comed hymenealss, biraderi and gender inequalities in Pakistani households (Khan, 1979).One of the soonest writers on Pakistanis in England is Dahya (1973 1974), who began his look for in Birmingham and Bradford in 1956 and continued to publish into the 1980s. He remains amongst a hand full of investigateers who have endeavoured to constitute daily life amongst the single, male migrants and the control exercised over them by heads of families stick out in Pakistan. He clearly explained the nature of the links between the migrants in England and the social structures operating in Pakistan, based on the need for the migrant, whose family has sent him abroad in order for him to send back remittances and thus clear not only immediate relatives but also the whole of the biraderi or kinship group. He concludes that the Pakistani migrant community is in a very real sense a transitional society divergence through the phase of development from a rural to an urban industrial society (1973 p, 275). Today, with the constant movement between the villages of origin of Pakistani migrants and their places of habitation in Britain, paving way for a constant, rapid social and economic ch ange in both societies, his conclusion tends to be within a situational context of a time, when both were much more separate than they are today.Jamal (1998) carried out a seek to explore food consumption experiences the British-Pakistanis in Bradford, UK and the ways the British Pakistanis perceive their food, and their perception of English food in the UK. He identified that the prototypal generation of British-Pakistanis perceive their own food to be traditional, tasty but oily and problematic. Various English foods are perceived by them as foreign, bland, but nonetheless, healthy. The young generation of British-Pakistanis are increasingly consuming mainstream English foods while also consuming traditional Pakistani food.Rex and Moore (1967) demonstrated high levels of discrimination against immigrants, particularly against Pakistanis, in their field area of Sparkbrook in Birmingham. They showed high concentrations of Pakistans in their lowest housing class, the rooming house. Work by Dahya (1974), on the other hand, argued that Pakistani concentration in multi-occupied accommodation was a preferred, not an enforced, strategy. He argued that chain migration by village and family, the desire to maximize savings, shared language and religion, culinary needs and so forth all argued in favour of sharing accommodation. Thus, although discrimination existed, it was not material to the patterns of concentration that arose.According to the Labour force survey (Spring, 2000 as quoted in Saman Sen, p. 45), Pakistanis are two and a half times more likely than the white population to be unemployed and nearly three times more likely to be in low-paid jobs. According to Cessari (p. 58) the socio-economic marginality of Pakistanis is most a good deal accompanied by residential segregation. She argues that the data from the British census show that Pakistani immigrants tend to live in the most dilapidated or unhealthy housing conditions.Another study of south Asian Mu slims in Bradford by Khan (2009) refutes the commonly held belief that British Muslim alienation is an entirely Islamist narrative. In fact, the subjects of the study are alienated not only from British society but also from the cultural traditions and determine of their own families. The author of the study was struck by their disconnected individuation and described them as libertines. This clearly contradicts the stereotype of Islamists radicalised by a horror of Western society.Recent study by Bolgnani (2007) highlights forms of homeland attachment and analyses their import among second- and third-generation British Pakistanis by comparison with the allegory of return that characterised the early pioneer phase of Pakistani migration to Britain. He highlights that Homeland attachment for young British Pakistanis is constituted through school holidays spent in Pakistan, participation there in life-cycle rituals involving the wider kinship network, and the older generations p romotion of the idea of Pakistan as a spiritual and cultural homeland. It further suggests that, for the pioneer generation, the myth of return reassert a socio-economically motivated migration. He further argues that for the second and third generations, the homeland attachments and the idea of a possible return toPakistan is a response to contemporaneous political tensions and Islamophobia. Therefore, he concludes that while myth of return still remains, for the majority, that myth has been revitalised and has a new political significance in the contemporary political context of British Pakistanis.However, another study of south Asian Muslims in Bradford by Khan (2009) refutes the commonly held belief that British Muslim alienation is an entirely Islamist narrative. In fact, the subjects of the study are alienated not only from British society but also from the cultural traditions and values of their own families. The author of the study was struck by their disconnected individ ualization and described them as libertines. This clearly contradicts the stereotype of Islamists radicalised by a abuse of Western society.MarriagesThe governing principle of marital choice in any community is homogamy the selection of a render from a similar social background shaped, for example, by race, class, ethnicity, religion, age and education, thus those who do not adjust to these norms, in both(prenominal) circumstances, suffer sanctions, ranging from disapproval to ostracism (Bradford Commission handle 1996).For Pakistanis, the life-cycle with weddings, births and funerals is particularly lived in a shared way by the family broad and split over two continents, Europe and Asia. Adults make return trips for various reasons, but most centrally to arrange or perform a childs sum (Ballard 1987, p. 21 Shaw 2001, p. 319-325).Among British Pakistanis conjugal union is not only within the equivalent ethnic group, but blood-related-arranged with relatives-according to s et as well as caste systems. In a complex context of ethnicity and caste, marriage is often seen as the chosen mechanism to consolidate biradari3loyalties. Furthermore, due to chain migration, stronger village and kin networks were created, that were later reinforced by transnational arranged marriages, often with cousins from the same area or village.Pakistanis, like many other groups, consider it an important parental responsibility to find spouses for their children. They prefer to select soul they know well, to be sure that he or she has the qualities they appreciate and will make a caring partner. However, Khan (1977) argues in his research that ethnic minorities such as Pakistanis, face two problems namely the limited accessibility of suitable persons in the restricted local community, and another the fact that their merry-go-round of acquaintance in the country of origin tends to shrink within the limits of the widen family. Therefore, for groups with a tradition of cog nate marriage, it is only natural for the choice of partner to fall progressively closer within the family circle. This argument is supported by Rao Inbaraj (1979) who give evidence to support this view from South India, arguing that for South Asians monogamous, close consanguineous marriage has been practised for thousands of years.Moreover, Bano (1991) discussed the upward social mobility through the institution of marriage amongst British Pakistanis, which she sees as being marked in the Netherlands in comparison to Pakistan. She described the practice of cousin marriages explaining their common prevalence amongst relatively wealthy, rural, as well as landowning families. She then discusses the extension of cousin marriage (Ibid. p.15), proposing that it could include partners being chosen from distant family, or from the same religious tendency, or from the parents close business contacts.According to a research conducted by Overall and Nichols (2001), the U.K. Asian populatio n, particularly within the Pakistani communities, tends to have high levels of consanguineous unions which are correlated with high rates of unwholesomeness and mortality (Darr and Modell 1988 Terry et al. 1985 Bundey et al. 1991 as quoted in Overall Nickols, 2001). It is not singular to observe a proportion of root-cousin marriages of around 50% (Darr and Modell 1988).Modood et al. argue that the Asian older generation prefers marriages to be arranged by families within the clan or extended family and that love marriages were not the most appropriate way of finding a life-partner. The most frequent argument supporting this view was that love marriages are equated with high levels of divorce. Arranged marriages are seen as diminish the likelihood of divorce because the partners are chosen for their compatibility and suitable family backgrounds (Modood et al. 1997).According to most researchers there is a continuing prevalence for high rates of intercontinental and intra-caste m arriages (over 50%) between British Pakistani spouses and brides or grooms in Pakistan (Charsley, 2003 Shaw, 2001). It is suggested that the twinge for such marriages is apparently exerted by close relatives in Pakistan who use marriage as a route for their children to migrate legally to Britain. According to recent research, however, the spouses marrying into Britain often suffer isolation, and have poor employment prospects (Charsley, 2003). Furthermore, most Pakistani children are compliant and agree, however reluctantly, to cousin and intercontinental marriages (Jacobson, 1998). The Home social function statistics show an influx of 15,000 prospective marriage partners (male and female) from the Indian sub-continent arriving in Britain in 2001 alone, the vast majority arranged by parents for their British-born children (Werbner, 2005). Charsley (2003) reports that, in 2000, there were 10,000 people both men and women, who espouse into Braitian. Werbner (2005) explains this phe nomenon by arguing that Islam permits marriage with a wide range of close kin and affines, and according to recent researches, the majority of Pakistani marriages continue to take place within the biradari a local agnatic lineage and, more widely, an ego-focused kindred of traceable affines and consanguineous kin. She argues that this imprint of biradari jockstraps mediate between kinship, locality and zat (caste), and that such biradaris are ranked and theorise class and caste status in the Pakistani society (Werbner, 2005).Darr and Modell (1988) conducted a research that carried inculcated an enquiry answered by 100 randomly selected British Pakistani mothers in the postnatal wards of two hospitals in West Yorkshire, Bradford, showed that 55 were espouse to their first cousins, while only 33 cases had individuals whether their mother had been married to her first cousin. Darr and Modell argued that there results indicated an increasing rate of consanguineous marriage in the re latively small group studied, contrasting with the decreasing rate which was observed in some other countries. They had enquired 900 women in hospitals in Lahore, Pakistan, in 1983 showing 36% first cousin marriages, 4% first cousin once removed, 8% second cousin, and 53% unrelated (of which 25% were in the Biraderi (same kinship). These figures are near identical with those reported in Britain for the grand parental generation (who were married while they were in Pakistan), and supported their conclusion that the frequency of close consanguineous marriage was increasing among British Pakistanis (p. 189).According to another research by Modell (1991) both in Pakistan and the UK about 75% of marriages are between relatives, but the frequency of closely consanguineous marriage has increased with migration, about 55% of couples of reproductive age in England being married to a first cousin. In many cases the relationship is closer than first cousins because of previous consanguineous marriages in the family. The proportion of cousin marriages is likely to fall but the unquestioning number will increase, at least for the next generation, because the population is growing.According to the results of a study by Alam Husband (2006), Muslims comprise the UKs largest religious minority, and are the object of analysis and concern within various policy arenas and habitual debates, including immigration, marriage and partner selection, social cohesion and integration. Their research analysed experiences and narratives from 25 men aged 16 to 38, their accounts shedding light on what it means to be a Bradfordian of Pakistani and Muslim heritage. It also highlighted the policy context surround the mens attitudes toward various facets of their lives, including marriage, family, work, the city in general, and the neighbourhood in which they lived. Alam Husband think that although there were some generational continuity of cultural values and norms, several(prenominal) si gnificant changes were also simultaneously taking place.Shaw (2001) began his study by supposing that in the 1990s, forty years after Pakistani migration to Britain began, the rate of consanguineous marriage among British Pakistanis would show signs of decline, as the urbanized and British-educated descendants of pioneer immigrants take for granted the values of many contemporary Westerners and reject arranged marriages. However, on the unregenerate based on the statistical data he gathered, he truism that Pakistani marriage patterns showed no such clear trend, and instead there was some evidence that, within certain groups of British Pakistanis, the rate of first-cousin marriage had increased rather than declined. The study offered an analysis and interpretation of a high rate of marriage to relatives, especially first cousins, in a attempt of second-generation British Pakistanis. It argued that the high rate of such marriage is not a simple reflection of a cultural preference. The research also underlines the want of a blanket category Pakistani in relation to marriage patterns and choices. Shaw suggested that certain variations in region of origin, caste, socio-economic status, and upbringing must be considered in analysis in order to reveal the processes that have generated this pattern and allowed it to persist.Simpson (1997) claims that in Bradford 50 per cent of marriages are trans-continental, i.e. the partner sare from Pakistan. He has proposed two reasons that help explain the reasons for choosing partners from outside Britain, and has analysed the ways these reasons operate independently or may reinforce each other. Firstly, there is a cultural preference for consanguinity, ordinarily marriage to a cousin, which is prevalent among the Pakistani community. As Sarah Bundey et al. (1990) showed in her research that 69 per cent of Birmingham Pakistani marriages are consanguineous and it is expected that if current researchers were carried out they will show similar levels in Bradford, considerably higher(prenominal) than in Pakistan itself. Simpson (1997) further argues that since emigration from Pakistan to Britain is usually seen as a positive achievement, marriage also functions specifically to fulfil a commitment to remediate the family fortunes. He gives the second reason that many Muslim young people in Bradford express a cultural preference for partners with traditional values and that sentiment is echoed by their parents who then arrange or help to arrange their marriage partners from Pakistan. Simpson nevertheless points out that, this trend should not be seen as simply a preference for subservient wives albeit this may be original for some. He further points out that there is qualitative evidence that some young Muslim women see men with traditional values from Pakistan as providing a more secure family future than the more liberal friends with whom they have grown up in Bradford. This Simpson points out may coin cide both with the strong Muslim and the strong Pakistani identities that are noted among Bradford young women, based on researchers by Kim Knott and Sajda Khokher (1993) and by Kauser Mirza (1989).Modood and Berthoud (1997) carried out a research to show that among ethnic minority groups 20 per cent of African-Caribbeans